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Denmark’s 19th-century colonial policy was distinctive in that it preserved the tradition of seal hunting and actively protected Greenlanders from perceived harmful Western influence. Initially, these measures had a purely economic rationale, but over time, this paternalistic practice came to be used to keep Greenlanders at a distance…
As they gradually adopted the European way of life, they began to demand modernization and improved living conditions. Maintaining cultural differences between colonial rulers and the indigenous population became a key tool for justifying the colonial regime. However, this policy of “cultural preservation” appears to be an example of so-called “benevolent” colonization, especially when compared to the brutal destruction of indigenous cultures in the Americas. Similarly controversial interpretations can be applied to the local councils formed by colonial inspector Hinrich Rink in 1857. These bodies were created to ensure control over the colony through a system of rewards and punishments; they were later interpreted as an early form of popular involvement in democratic processes (although in Iceland, such councils were convened as early as the 10th century).
Nevertheless, such measures do not provide grounds for considering Danish colonization as something exceptional. In the international arena, the transfer of limited power to local elites is a typical practice for maintaining control over dependent territories. The appointment of particularly experienced hunters as overseers and the public censure of less successful members of the hunting community became a tool for introducing previously unknown class distinctions in Greenland. This practice, based on the tradition of public shaming, was an element of the “divide and conquer” strategy.
During Rink’s tenure, a monthly newspaper and printing press were also established (Greenlandic-language newspapers were later also published). These institutions subsequently played a significant role in the development of national consciousness among Greenlanders, whose literacy rate was rapidly increasing. In addition to the council members, another elite emerged — the catechists. They were trained as local facilitators in education and missionary work. Such influential politicians and writers as Mathias Storch and Augo Lynge later emerged from their ranks. The position of these elites was ambivalent. Although initially viewed as a reliable support for the colonial system, they gained significant influence due to the administration’s need for intermediaries and translators.
Adopting Western customs and the Danish language in a context of stifling paternalism gave these elites the opportunity to undermine the existing system of dependency. From the early 20th century, Greenlandic intellectuals began advocating for the modernization of the island along the lines of Denmark, striving for equality. However, such initiatives found no support among the colonial administration; no one wanted to provide funds. They were fed with promises, like, “someday later.” The United States exerted an indirect influence on Greenland’s history in 1917. As part of the West Indies Purchase Treaty, they formally recognized Danish sovereignty over the entire island.
Denmark firmly established its rights to Greenland in international law for the first time in 1921. Prior to this, Greenland’s possessions were officially referred to as a series of trading posts. After the sale of the West Indies (now the US Virgin Islands), Greenland remained Denmark’s only colony. Later, following a territorial dispute with Norway over the island’s eastern coast, the Permanent International Court in The Hague in 1933 upheld Danish sovereignty over the entire island.
World War II and decolonization
World War II significantly altered Greenland’s strategic position, turning it into a key target for the United States. Military bases and airfields established by the Americans became vital supply hubs after the Nazi occupation of Denmark severed Nuuk’s connection to Copenhagen. For Greenlanders, this sudden proximity to foreign soldiers and access to American goods presented an unexpected socio-cultural opportunity. These changes were perceived as a positive development, one that locals were loath to lose even after the war ended.
However, relations with the United States developed ambiguously in subsequent years, particularly during the Cold War. The American airbase in Thule, built in 1953, became a symbol of tension. To build it, North Greenland’s Inuit were forced to abandon their homes, a decision later deemed unfair. Compensation, paid only in 1999, barely compensated for the losses. Today, the base continues to serve as a center for global monitoring of missile movements. Further discontent was sparked by the secretive storage of nuclear weapons on the base, which ultimately led to one of the largest political scandals in Denmark’s post-war history.
Following the international trend toward decolonization, Denmark revised Greenland’s status, incorporating it into the country as an officially equal province in 1953 following the adoption of a new constitution. However, debate continues as to whether this decision was truly voluntary and conscious on the part of the Greenlandic authorities. This change in status was accompanied by a significant shift in Denmark’s policy toward the new region. The focus shifted to raising Greenlanders’ living standards to those of the Danish state. This resulted in a broad program of infrastructural modernization and linguistic assimilation, the directives of which emanated from Copenhagen and were, at the very least, tolerated by local authorities.
Paradoxically, these changes led many to perceive the onset of de facto foreign domination. This perception was reinforced by the rapid increase in the number of Danish (and generally European) workers in Greenland. This period is particularly poignantly described through the prism of the personal experiences of individual figures. Thus, local politician and women’s rights advocate Guldborg Chemnitz provided vivid testimony of how her generation was raised with contradictory feelings: admiration for Danish culture and, at the same time, fear of it. This complex combination created a deep-rooted sense of dependence on external authority that proved extremely difficult to overcome.
Postcolonial Greenland
The 1970s saw significant changes in postcolonial societies. In particular, Greenlanders became disillusioned and rejected “liberal assimilationist” ideas, faced with persistent injustice. Instead, they advocated for equal citizenship within a political community without losing their cultural identity. This process was marked by the mobilization of youth, who protested wage discrimination between Danes and Greenlanders, forced relocations, and the threat of language and cultural loss.
These protests led to a significant milestone — the introduction of self-government in 1979, which granted Greenland its own government and parliament. At the same time, the Inuit themselves were allowed to officially refer to their country as Kalaalit Nunaat (Land of the Kalaalit, as the locals call themselves); both names have official status. A wave of city and town renamings occurred, with the capital no longer called “good hope” in Danish (Godthåb) but Nuuk in Greenlandic, meaning “city on the cape.” The next step toward greater autonomy was taken in 2009, when the Home Rule Act came into force. Since then, Denmark has recognized Greenlanders as a separate people under international law and pledged not to hinder their potential future independence. However, Denmark continues to finance Greenland’s budget annually, allocating approximately half a billion euros.
This amount compensates for what Greenland cannot currently cover from its own resources, but maintains a dependent relationship between the two countries. This runs counter to the desire of most Greenlanders for independence. This funding is often perceived in the Danish public consciousness as an act of altruism, while Greenland’s demands for greater autonomy are criticized and misperceived as acts of ingratitude — a position that is slowly beginning to change, particularly in political circles. The United States, Russia, and China are increasingly competing for dominance in the Arctic region.
Against this backdrop, the 2019 event, when Donald Trump publicly offered to buy Greenland, played a particularly significant role. Although the proposal was firmly rejected, it underscored the need to rethink the relationship between Greenland and Denmark. This event forced Danish authorities to rethink their annual financial investments: instead of perceiving them as a subsidy, they are increasingly being presented as the market price for a military and commercial presence in the region.
Changes are also affecting the sphere of memory, particularly in the context of complex relations with the colonial past. In 2013, the Danish government saw no reason to support Greenland’s initiative to establish a reconciliation commission to address issues of historical injustice. However, in 2022, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen visited Nuuk to officially apologize to the victims of the so-called 1951 “experiment.” This project envisioned sending a group of Greenlandic children to Denmark to be educated, so that they would “grow into future leaders.”
In reality, the children were permanently separated from their families, and the consequences of this policy were devastating. At meetings in Nuuk, Frederiksen heard stories that revealed a deeper and broader picture of the systematic violations of Greenlandic rights in the post-war period. It turned out that the “experiment” was part of a larger pattern in which many Greenlanders faced displacement, disenfranchisement, privacy intrusion, and racist treatment, whether in boarding schools, hospitals in Denmark, or through forced adoption. Among the most painful cases was the practice of involuntary contraceptive administration to thousands of young women and girls from 1965 until recently (it’s unclear when). In the summer of 2022, the governments of Denmark and Greenland decided to establish a commission to study the problematic colonial policies of the post-war decades with the goal of reconciliation.
This change of course on the part of the Danish authorities may be explained by a gradual realization that building respectful relations with Greenland is now more important to prevent its possible independence or becoming a US state. Increasing attention is being paid to mental decolonization — the process of overcoming colonial traumas and stereotypes. Colonial legacy is gradually becoming less of a taboo topic. For example, in Greenland, cultural practices such as drumming and traditional facial tattoos, which were once criticized and banned, are being revived. Greenlandic self-awareness is changing: the people’s identity is being redefined, and attitudes of shame and externally imposed behavior patterns are being eradicated.
Mental decolonization is becoming an important factor in social and cultural recovery. This movement has the potential to change public perceptions of historical trauma, help restore lost connections with the past, and create a foundation for reconciliation — with both one’s own history and current realities. Such a rethinking could be an important step toward a more equitable and respectful interaction between Denmark and Greenland in the future.
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