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HOUSTON, April 24 (Reuters) - Top oilfield services companies SLB (SLB.N), opens new tab and ​Baker Hughes (BKR.O), opens new tab said on Friday they expect higher spending on oil exploration and production, as tighter global supplies driven by ‌the Middle East conflict highlight the need for investment, particularly in North America.
The U.S.-Israeli war with Iran has halted 20% of the world's oil that usually flows through the now-closed Strait of Hormuz and shut in 9 million barrels a day of oil production, causing Asian and European countries to scramble for supplies. It has also ​focused attention on energy security and the need for supply diversity.
There is a growing need for increased upstream investment to expand ​global production capacity and ensure we can meet rising demand," Lorenzo Simonelli, CEO of Baker Hughes, said in ⁠a post-earnings conference call, adding he sees a potential acceleration of investment decisions for liquefied natural gas projects in North America.
Many countries will ​likely prioritize supply diversification and invest in exploration once the conflict subsides, SLB CEO Olivier Le Peuch said, adding he expects increased investment in ​projects in North America and Latin America, including in deepwater offshore markets.
SLB expects oil prices to trade at higher levels after the war than before it, Le Peuch said.
Oilfield services firms provide equipment, services and labor to companies that explore and produce oil and gas.
SLB's revenue from the Middle East and ​Asia dropped 10% in the first quarter to $2.69 billion, hurt by disruptions due to Qatar declaring force majeure on gas exports, as well as production ​constraints and security concerns in Iraq and offshore operations across the region.
The company expects the conflict to hit second-quarter earnings by 6 to 8 cents per ‌share sequentially, ⁠with revenue from international markets offsetting some of the impact.
Baker Hughes' revenue declined 19% to $1.15 billion in the region in the quarter. The Middle East is both companies' biggest market and accounted for over a third of their quarterly revenue.
Baker Hughes shares climbed to $68.61, the highest since 2007. SLB shares climbed to $56.55, the highest since 2023.
Halliburton (HAL.N), opens new tab, which reported results earlier this week, said Middle East revenue fell 12.7%, hurt by lower activity ​in Saudi Arabia and reduced drilling-related ​services in Qatar. It warned ⁠disruptions caused by the Iran war and the strait's closure could cut current-quarter earnings per share by 7 to 9 cents. Rerouting supplies has increased logistics costs and raw material prices, it said.
However, analysts expect post-war ​repairs to energy-linked infrastructure to generate demand for the sector. Rystad Energy has projected as much as $58 ​billion in repair ⁠costs.
We anticipate seasonal recoveries around the world and a resurgence of activity in the Middle East as the conflict winds down. 2027 and 2028 are expected to be strong years of growth given the change in oil market fundamentals due to the Middle East conflict," said James West, an analyst ⁠at Melius ​Research.
SLB's net income fell 5.6% to $752 million during the quarter, while adjusted net income ​attributable to Baker Hughes rose 12% to $573 million.
Reporting by Vallari Srivastava, Arunima Kumar and Pooja Menon in Bengaluru, Arathy Somasekhar in Houston, Editing by Sriraj Kalluvila, Nathan Crooks, Rod Nickel
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Tuesday began as a frantic day of diplomacy in Washington, with Air Force Two ready to fly Vice President JD Vance to Islamabad for another round of peace talks between the US and Iran.
Several hours later, Air Force Two hadn't taken off and the negotiations were postponed. President Donald Trump announced that he would extend the ceasefire with Iran, set to expire on Wednesday evening, to allow the regime more time to create a "unified proposal" to end the war.
In between, Trump weighed his options as the world waited to see if the countries were any closer to ending the war. Trump's decision marked the second time in as many weeks that he has backed off a threat to escalate the war, buying himself more time to wind down a conflict as it approaches the two-month mark.
Vance never officially announced the Islamabad trip, leaving Washington guessing. And Iran never officially committed to attending the talks, leaving the White House in the difficult position of deciding whether or not to send Vance with no assurance that Tehran would even come to the table.
As the day wore on, signs of a postponement emerged. Special envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner, senior members of the US negotiating team led by Vance, flew to Washington from Miami instead of heading straight to Islamabad. Soon after, Vance made his way to the White House for "policy meetings" as the president and his senior advisers debated what to do next.
In the end, Trump announced the ceasefire extension on Truth Social, his preferred means for war updates since it began in late February. The president said he made the decision at the request of Pakistan, which has mediated talks between Tehran and Washington.
We have been asked to hold our Attack on the Country of Iran until such time as their leaders and representatives can come up with a unified proposal," Trump said.
Notably, Trump this time did not specify how long the ceasefire might last. Earlier this month, he set a two-week deadline for the first ceasefire. That came after conflicting comments in press interviews, during which he said the talks were going well but also warned that he would consider resuming the war if Iran refused to negotiate.
There is no clear formula" for ending wars, James Jeffrey, a former US ambassador to Iraq and Turkey, told the BBC.
Trump isn't the first US president to "threaten significant military escalation," Jeffrey added, "while also putting a good deal on the table."
Trump's open-ended statement on Tuesday was more measured than his past social media attacks on Iran. That may signal Trump's desire to end a war that has roiled the global economy and is unpopular with anti-interventionist supporters in Trump's Maga base.
This is a pragmatic decision based on what are quite obvious fractures in the current leadership of the Iranian government," said Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute.
But Katulis said Trump's decision also created more uncertainty about how long the war will last.
This move begs the question though for Trump about how he can deal with the economic pain that Americans are experiencing and the political pain he's experiencing from his base," Katulis said. "He hasn't answered the questions that are still driving this crisis."
With the ceasefire extension, the US and Iran now have more time to make a durable peace deal. But major questions remain.
Iran has said that the US blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is an act of war. While Trump chose not to restart the war immediately, he gave no indication he would end the blockade, which the US hoped would pressure Tehran to back down. So far that hasn't happened, leaving Trump with fewer options other than ramping up the military campaign.
Iran, meanwhile, has not signaled interest in ending its nuclear program or support for proxy groups in the Middle East -- two so-called "red lines" that Trump has demanded be included in any final peace deal.
Trump bought himself more time. But a quick resolution to the war, for now, seems as elusive as ever.
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The United States military command that oversees the Middle East (CENTCOM) has said that two of its ships have travelled through the Strait of Hormuz, a claim swiftly denied by Iran.
On Saturday, the command said that the two destroyers, the USS Frank E Peterson and USS Michael Murphy, had “transited the Strait of Hormuz and operated in the Arabian Gulf as part of a broader mission to ensure the strait is fully clear of sea mines previously laid by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps
In a statement, US Admiral Brad Cooper hailed the ships’ presence in the strait as a turning point in the US and Israeli war against Iran, which began on February 28.
Today, we began the process of establishing a new passage, and we will share this safe pathway with the maritime industry soon to encourage the free flow of commerce,” he said.
The passage would represent a major shift. Control of the strait has been a major point of contention, given that a fifth of the world’s oil and natural gas passes through the waterway, as well as large amounts of fertiliser and other goods
Iran effectively closed the narrow strait, save for pre-approved ships, in the wake of the initial US-Israel attacks in February. That, in turn, snarled both commercial and military traffic and sent global fuel prices soaring
On Saturday, a spokesperson for the Iranian military’s Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters swiftly denied the US statement
“The claim by the CENTCOM commander regarding the approach and entry of American vessels into the Strait of Hormuz is strongly denied,” the spokesperson said.
The initiative for the passage and movement of any vessel is in the hands of the Armed Forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran
The IRGC, in turn, vowed “a strong response” to any military ships passing through the strait
Meanwhile, the prospect of a prolonged and costly war is considered a political liability for Trump and his Republican party, with the 2026 US midterm elections quickly approaching.
Saturday’s talks came at the six-week mark of the war, and it is unclear whether the ceasefire will hold beyond its initial two-week period.
Speaking to reporters later in the day, Trump said the US and Iranian delegation remained in “very deep” talks. But he maintained he was ambivalent about the negotiation’s outcome
“Whether we make a deal or not, makes no difference to me, because we’ve won,” he said
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As North Korea's infiltration tactics grow more sophisticated, security experts say the crypto industry needs to understand what sets the regime apart from every other state-backed hacker — and why that difference makes it a dangerous threat to the ecosystem.
The short answer, according to security experts, is that crypto helps give the regime a revenue stream and keep them afloat.
North Korea doesn't have the luxury of patience," said Dave Schwed, chief operating officer at SVRN and the founder of the cybersecurity masters program at Yeshiva University. "They're under comprehensive international sanctions and they need hard currency to fund weapons programs. The UN and multiple intelligence agencies have confirmed that crypto theft is a primary funding mechanism for their nuclear and ballistic missile development."
That urgency explains a dynamic that has long puzzled investigators: why North Korean hackers carry out large-scale, traceable heists on public blockchains instead of quietly using crypto to evade sanctions the way other state actors do.
The answer, Schwed argues, is structural. Russia still has an economy: oil, gas, commodity exports, and trading partners willing to use workarounds. It needs crypto as a payment rail, but not for much else. Iran, too, has goods to move — sanctioned oil, proxy financing networks, willing intermediaries across the Middle East. North Korea has almost nothing left to sell.
Their exports are almost entirely sanctioned. They don't have a functioning economy that needs a payment rail. They need direct revenue," Schwed said. "Crypto theft gives them immediate access to liquid value, globally, without needing a counterparty willing to do business with them."
That distinction — crypto as infrastructure versus crypto as a target — is what separates North Korea not just from Russia, but from Iran as well. While Russia routes money through crypto to work around sanctions, and Iran uses it to fund proxy networks across the Middle East, North Korea is running something closer to a state-sponsored heist operation.
Their targets are exchanges, wallet providers, DeFi protocols and the individual engineers and founders who have signing authority or infrastructure access," said Alexander Urbelis, chief information security officer at ENS Labs and a professor of cybersecurity at King’s College London. "The victim is whoever holds the keys or access to the infrastructure that holds the keys."
Russia and Iran, by comparison, treat crypto as incidental, a means to broader geopolitical ends.
Russia targets elections, energy infrastructure and government systems. Iran goes after dissidents and regional adversaries," Urbelis said. "When either of them touches crypto, it's to move money, not to steal it from the ecosystem."
That singular focus has pushed North Korean operatives to adopt tactics more commonly associated with intelligence agencies than criminal hackers: months-long relationship building, fabricated identities and supply chain infiltration.
You're not defending against a phishing email from a random scammer," Urbelis said. "You're defending against someone who spent six months building a relationship specifically to compromise one person who has the access you need to protect."
The Drift campaign is only the most recent example.
"Once a transaction is signed and confirmed, it's final," Urbelis said. The Bybit exploit earlier last year moved $1.5 billion in roughly 30 minutes, a pace and scale that would be nearly impossible in the traditional banking system.
Crypto's own architecture makes it a uniquely attractive hunting ground. In traditional finance, even successful hacks run into friction in the form of compliance checks, correspondent bank checks, settlement delays and the possibility of reversing fraudulent transfers. When North Korea's hackers pulled off the Bangladesh Bank robbery in 2016, the heist took days to process and most of the funds were eventually recovered or blocked. In crypto, none of those safeguards exist at the protocol level
And while banks operate under decades of regulatory guidance and audit requirements, many crypto projects are still improvising — often prioritizing speed and innovation over governance and controls
That finality fundamentally changes the security calculus. In banking, a reasonable defense can be built across prevention, detection and response, because there's always a window to freeze funds or reverse a wire. In crypto, that window barely exists, which means stopping an attack before it happens isn't just preferable — it's essentially the only option
That gap creates an environment where even sophisticated teams can be vulnerable, particularly to the kind of long-term infiltration tactics North Korea has been refining
This is the hardest operational security problem in crypto right now," Urbelis said of the challenge of vetting against sophisticated fake identities and third-party intermediaries. "I don't think the industry has solved it
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